Work-life issues and participation in education and training

The factors that influence the participation of low-skilled and low-paid workers in vocational education and training (VET) are the focus of a major research project, Low-paid workers and VET: Increasing VET participation amongst lower-paid workers over the life cycle, being undertaken by the Centre for Work + Life at the University of South Australia.

Using data from the 2009 Australian Work and Life Index (AWALI), this report examines how work–life pressures influence the capacity and motivation of individuals to engage in education and training. The Australian Work and Life Index is an annual national survey of nearly 3000 employed persons and is representative of the Australian working population.

Future reports from the project will bring together the quantitative data in this report with the material from the qualitative components of the study, including interviews with low-paid workers in the aged care, food processing and retail industries.

Key messages

• Undertaking some form of training outside the workplace does result in a significantly higher work–life conflict for employees in low-paid occupations.
• Women in higher-paid occupations were particularly likely to experience a work–life penalty for their participation in education and training, relative to their male counterparts.
• Men in low-paid occupations are those most likely to be disengaged from current and future participation in education and training.
• Only a minority of employees anticipate undertaking a university-level qualification, with the majority expecting to do a VET course or other type of qualification.
• The most common reasons cited for not participating in education or training remain time and cost, despite most employees indicating that their employer would provide some support and that the outcomes would have employment benefits.

Tom Karmel
Managing Director, NCVER

This report applies a work–life lens to examine patterns of participation in education and training, and perceptions of future participation.

Using data from the 2009 Australian Work and Life Index (AWALI), this report examines how work–life pressures intersect with occupational status and income to influence workers’ capacity and motivation to engage in education and training. Previous Australian Work and Life Index surveys have established that work–life pressures are likely to be stronger for women, those working longer hours, those in the peak years of family formation/responsibility and work/career (25 to 44 years) and those with parenting responsibilities.

The Australian Work and Life Index is an annual national survey. In 2009 the survey included 2748 employed persons, that is, representative of the Australian working population. Data are collected by telephone interviews in March–April of each year.

For the purposes of this report higher-paid occupations were defined as the first three levels of ANZSCO (Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations): managers, professionals and technicians and trades workers. Low-paid occupations comprised levels four to eight of the ANZSCO occupational classifications: community and personal services workers, clerical and administrative workers, sales workers, machinery operators and drivers, and labourers.

Comparing low-paid and higher-paid workers

While rates of participation in education or training were very similar for those in low-paid compared with higher-paid occupations, there was a significant difference in the work–life consequences of participation. For low-paid workers, participation in education or training was associated with significantly higher work–life conflict compared with their non-participant counterparts.

Of particular interest in the current study were the perceptions and expectations of those who were not engaged in education or training and who did not expect to do so in the next 12 months. Compared with workers in higher-paid occupations, low-paid workers were less confident of employer support for any future education or training and more likely to report their own lack of interest. Those in higher-paid occupations were more likely to report time constraints to their future participation, which is not surprising, given the culture of long hours that accompanies many managerial and professional roles, and the more frequent occurrence of part-time work in lowerpaid occupations. Cost concerns were also more prevalent for those in higher-paid compared with low-paid occupations.

Comparing men and women

Gender is a central factor that influences how workers experience the fit between their work and other life commitments. Women are often more likely to experience time pressure and work–life conflict, particularly if they are working full-time (Pocock, Skinner & Ichii 2009). In Australia, 8 Work–life issues and participation in education or training women are also more likely to use part-time work as a work–life balance strategy, which often means employment in low-paid occupations, where the majority of part-time opportunities are available (Pocock, Skinner & Ichii 2009).

One of the goals of this study was to examine how these gender differences in navigating the work–life relationship was manifested in working men’s and women’s experiences and perceptions of education and training.

Women were more likely to be engaged in education or training at the time of the survey, and they were also more likely to experience higher levels of work–life conflict as a result of their participation. On the other hand, for men work–life conflict was not affected by participation in education or training.

The prospect of a work–life penalty for participation in education or training was also obvious to women who were not currently studying. Of those respondents who were not currently studying and did not expect to participate in education or training in the next 12 months, women were more likely to report that participation in education or training would create work–life fit problems and that they would not have time to study. In contrast, men were more likely to be confident of employer support, but also to report a lack of interest in future education or training.

Gender and occupational status are very broad social categories through which to examine individuals’ perceptions and experience of education and training, especially through a work–life lens. A central aim in this report was to examine how working in low- or higher-paid occupations was experienced differently for men and women, with regard to their perceptions and experiences of education and training.

Two groups particularly stood out in terms of the interactive effects of gender and occupational status: women in higher-paid occupations and men in low-paid occupations.

There was evidence from the survey that women in higher-paid occupations were particularly likely to experience a work–life penalty for their participation in education or training compared with their male counterparts. It was also these higher-paid women who were most likely to report that work–life fit barriers and time constraints created difficulties for their future participation in education and training.

There was also evidence that men in low-paid occupations were most likely to be disengaged from current and future participation in education and training. In general, women were more likely to be studying at the time of the survey, and this was the case in low-paid and higher-paid occupations. However, low-paid men working full-time reported the lowest rate of current participation (12.1%). Low-paid men who were not currently studying were also most likely to report that they were unlikely to engage in future education or training (nearly 40%).

Within this group of low-paid men nearly one-third had strong expectations of future participation in education or training. Indeed, looking at low-paid workers overall, low-paid men were more likely to expect future participation compared with low-paid women (a gender difference not observed for those employed in higher-paid occupations). This suggests that there are two distinct groups of low-paid men: those confident of their future participation in education or training and those who are disengaged and uninterested. An interesting question is how these low-paid men who were confident of their future engagement in education or training differ from their disengaged counterparts.

Implications for policy and practice

It is clear from the findings of this report that there are common concerns and barriers to participation in education or training that apply across the board (that is, time and cost). The emphasis on these issues as barriers or support to participation varies according to gender and NCVER 9 occupational status, and there are also some barriers to participation (for example, lack of motivation/interest) that are characteristic of a particular group (men in low-paid occupations).

A lack of time to engage in education or training was a universal concern for men and women, and across occupational groups. Time constraints were particularly a concern for women and especially those in higher-paid occupations, who are more likely to be working full-time (and long hours). One approach to addressing time constraints is to offer study leave or ‘education sabbaticals’, a strategy that has been utilised in some European countries (Edwards et al. 2008). For example, workers in Spain can adjust their working hours to accommodate study, and Finnish workers can take unpaid leave for up to two years to pursue a course of education (Institute for Women’s Policy Research 2008).

The work–life research literature suggests that workers’ capacity to modify their work hours and scheduling to fit their needs significantly reduces work–life conflict (Pocock, Skinner & Ichii 2009). In Australia, it is women, and mothers in particular, who are most likely to request such flexibility and to have their requests granted (Pocock, Skinner & Ichii 2009). Indeed, working reduced or flexible hours to meet child care responsibilities is the most common, and most socially acceptable, reason for reducing work hours or taking an extended period of leave (Pocock, Skinner & Ichii 2009).

Developing policies, practices and workplace cultures that support flexible work practices to meet study needs is likely to support and encourage all workers’ participation in education and training, and women in particular. Indeed, in this study, time supports were most often discussed by participants in terms of having more time off work to study.

Many employers already provide such opportunities, albeit mostly for managerial and professional staff. The greater challenge is to encourage and support employers of workers in low-paid occupations to follow suit. Schemes in which government and employers share the direct and indirect costs of low-paid workers’ participation in education or training could be one such strategy. There is also work for employers to do in developing a workplace culture that supports employees’ engagement in further education or training, especially those workers in low-paid occupations. As this report highlights, it is these low-paid workers, and men in particular, who are most likely to be disengaged from participation in education or training.

Concerns about the cost of participation in education or training were common for men and women, and across occupations. Cost concerns were particularly prevalent for women and those in low-paid occupations. Indeed, around 40% of low-paid women who were studying at the time of the survey cited the costs of education and training as their main concern about future study.

In their review of strategies to address cost barriers to participation in education or training, Edwards et al. (2009) described a range of schemes used in Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries to share the costs of education or training between stakeholders. These include accounts provided by governments or industries and schemes in which a financial investment by workers is added to by governments or employers. However, as Edwards et al. (2009) observe, many low-paid workers are not in a position to provide this initial financial outlay. Another strategy is the use of learning accounts provided by the employer or government that can be spent on training options. One best-practice example described by Edwards et al. (2009) is that of Skandia, a Swedish finance company. The company matches employee contributions to a learning account, the funds of which can be used for full-time study at full wages.

The Australian Work and Life Index analysis is only one part of a larger project Low-paid workers and VET: Increasing VET participation amongst lower paid workers over the life cycle, with reports which will subsequently incorporate qualitative analysis of the many issues suggested by the data.